Disturbing news of how a taxi strike was handled in Xining [2] - involving the arrest of eleven people, which brought out the proliferation of outdated rhetoric reminiscent of the Cultural Revolution - falls into sharp contrast with the way many taxi strikes were dealt with in more progressive ways at the end of last year.

In late October and November of 2008, strikes by disgruntled taxi drivers spread across China like wildfire. Chinese taxi drivers - who often have to pay exorbitantly high rates to monopolistic taxi companies while also having to deal with high gas prices and unwelcome competition from illegal “black cabs” - were encouraged by the relatively successful outcomes of many of the taxi strikes in other cities. 

Perhaps no city better epitomized the new, more conciliatory approach than Chongqing [3]. On 3 November 2008, taxi drivers went on strike in Chongqing, citing the excessive amount of money in management fees they paid to the taxi company, the difficulty in filling up their tanks, and the proliferation of “black cabs” as their many grievances. On 6 November, in a high profile public event covered widely by print and TV media, Chongqing Party Secretary Bo Xilai [4] met with over 40 of the taxi driver representatives to engage in dialogue. Bo, often seen as a rising political star, led the government to address many of the taxi drivers’ underlying demands: including lowering management fees, increasing the ease of filling up their gas tanks, and cracking down on illegal “black cabs”. The government also took responsibility, criticizing itself and its agencies for enabling such a situation to occur. Meanwhile, the way in which the Chongqing government handled the strikes was generally seen as constructive, transparent, and accommodating. Many [5] in the media [6]and on the Internet debated whether the more progressive response was due to the implementation of a new, enlightened model of dealing with strikes and other “mass incidents”, or, whether faced with an increasingly assertive and critical blogosphere, the response represented a new form of astute media control [7] and the perfection of Western-style political “spin”.

Regardless, the recent handling of a taxi strike in Xining points to a throwback to the days of overt suppression, and calls into question whether the Internet can serve as a tool for advancing legitimate economic grievances. According to Xining Evening Post, on 25 June the Xining PSB called a press conference to announce that they had arrested 11 criminals who “organized a plot, agitated people to cause trouble, instigated people to petition, and had maliciously caused a ruckus”. 

The Xining Eventing Post also reported (through my rough translation):

“On 13 June, our city (Xining) experienced a partial taxi strike event. The city’s public security apparatus effectively kept on guard and struck hard against all sorts of illegal criminal activities that disturbed the normal operations of taxi services, fully ensured taxi safety, and maintained scheduled drivers’ legal rights and interests. According to statistics, in the process of handling the strike, the city’s public security apparatus detained 50 people who had engaged in illegal activities such as taking the opportunity to cause a disturbance, agitating people to cause trouble, threatening and intimidating, and blocking traffic. Nineteen of these people were administratively detained, and the others were given a corresponding punishment.

“As the partial taxi strike was gradually put down, the public security apparatus continues to beef up and deepen its work against the behind-the-scenes manipulators, and has recently resolutely exposed the network.   One after another the (public security apparatus) has arrested 11 criminals who organized the plot, agitated people to cause trouble, instigated people to petition, and had maliciously caused a ruckus. Punishment will be carried out in accordance with the PRC Law on Governing Offences Against Public Order and the PRC Regulations on Letters and Visits. A Mr. Yan was administratively detained for offences stemming from June 13 in which he incited many other taxi drivers to participate in the striking and blocking public traffic; Mr. Ma and Mr. Fan were administratively detained for organized the writing and handing out of inciting pamphlets; Mr. Tan and Mr. Wang were administratively detained for inciting others to petition and cause trouble, and disturbing public order; Mr Li, Mr. La, Mr. Wang, Mr. Zhang were administratively detained for blocking taxis and intimidating and inciting drivers to strike; Mr. Ding was administratively detained for using the Internet chat tool QQ to maliciously cause a ruckus and spread inciting speech; Mr. Jiang was detained for using the Internet to announce information inciting people to strike and petition, and according to the principle of dealing with people according to their place of jurisdiction, in accordance with the law (criminals) will be transferred to the public security apparatus of their household registration”.   

Xining’s response is notable for various reasons: first, it seemingly pays no attention to the grievances of the taxi drivers; second, it consistently emphasizes the theme of strikers inciting (煽动) others to do things, and generally has the tone of uncovering a sinister conspiratorial plot, using such words as the behind-the-scenes manipulator (幕后操纵人员); third, the government went after people who had used the Internet to get out their message, and to presumably drum up support. 

Although Xining’s out-dated handling of these strikes is in contrast to the more recent approach epitomized in Chongqing, it is still too early to tell whether Xining or Chongqing will be seen as the model to forward going forward. Ideally, taxi drivers need a democratically elected union that can forcefully advocate for their collective interests, and thus provide for a long-term solution [8]. Barring that, at least having a government that is willing to calmly listen to the legitimate interests of the taxi drivers’ interests would be the next best thing.